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For, certainly in the Cuban context, when people speak of their “formation” as “revolutionaries,” the temptation is to assume that what they are speaking about are the diverse and highly institutionalized structures for the moral and political formation of citizens that are so characteristic of state‐revolutionary societies such as Cuba: from the consciousness‐forming aims of the state education system or the Communist Party (Medin 1990), to recurrent mass mobilization initiatives (Kapcia 2005), as well as the ubiquitous presence of revolutionary ideology through the state media (Gropas 2007). Raising the question in this way invites some immediate answers that ought to be avoided. In its near‐humdrum normality-almost everyone in Cuba has one-Clarita's story, as we shall see, provides an analytical perspective on the pervasive force of revolution in particular, and its power to generate people, such as Clarita, in particular ways. As with extended case studies in the Manchester School tradition, Clarita's case has not been selected as a representative “apt illustration” (as a Cuban saying goes, “each person is a world”), but rather for the way in which it reveals “social and political forces engaged in the generation or production of social life” (Kapferer 2015:2). This is the topic of the present article, and I shall be using Clarita's story-one of many I have been collecting intensively during a period of nine months’ fieldwork in Havana in 2015–17-as my ethnographic basis for addressing it. The statement is normal enough, at any rate, to justify asking what process of “formation” is at stake when people declare themselves to “be revolutionaries” in this way, and how relations between persons (such as Clarita) and political processes (such as the Cuban revolution) that such statements express might be conceptualized.
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My ethnographic stance, however, is that, notwithstanding well‐documented differences in experience relating to different gendered and racial positionings, for adults who still remember times of state‐socialist normalcy in the 1980s or before, and who lived through the trauma of the so‐called Special Period of the 1990s and are still in Cuba to tell the tale, this notion of “having been formed in the revolution,” and of still–in some way or other–caring about it, is commonplace-even normal. There are those who “speak horrors” of what Cubans refer to as “the revolution,” and those, particularly among the younger generations, who seem to treat the whole question of being revolutionary as pretty much irrelevant. Obviously, not everyone I know, and certainly not everyone in Cuba, would agree with it. It is a statement that I take to be entirely commonplace, chosen more or less arbitrarily from the many conversations I have had or have overheard other people having over the years. This was told to me over an afternoon coffee in summer 2015 by Clarita, one of the many friends I have made in Havana over almost twenty years of visiting Cuba as an anthropologist. I couldn't help it, and just told him, “Why don't you just get yourself on a raft and leave us all in peace!” The other day I took a taxi, and there was a guy inside speaking horrors. This thing is becoming harder and harder.
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I don't agree with lots of things in this. I've been formed in this revolution-I am revolutionary, but in my own way.